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Decade 

Local Government Chronicle  -  30 April  2007

Two images stick in my mind from opposite ends of the country. One is of a triumph turned sour; the other of a rank defeat. Because, inevitably, we look for emblems to mark Labour’s 10 year overlord-ship of local government I think they convey the key mood – frustration.  

The first image, from 2000, is of Ken Livingstone hi-jacking with cheerful effrontery Labour’s restored London Government. Labour couldn’t find a plausible candidate for its own creation – it settled for the hapless, puffing Frank Dobson. Now Ken, restored, unrepentant, to the Labour fold, can watch the other parties’ gymnastics as they seek a plausible candidate to run against him.  

The second image, in November, 2004, comes from the North East, the heartlands of Labour. Driven, already, to postpone referendums on regional government in Yorkshire and the North West , Labour pinned its last great hope on the North East. It was thumped: 700,000 – 200,000.  

This was defeat on a grand scale. Not, I suspect, that Tony Blair shed many tears.  Blair has got huge advocacy skills. He can empathise with everything from a seal cub to a pensioner victim of anti-social behaviour. But precious little advocacy was invested in that vote.

Looking for a watershed event in the Blair years I settle for that referendum. It humiliated John Prescott. He had driven the agendas at his conglomerate department. His mediation role in government, both, obviously, between Blair and Brown and between traditional Labour and the New Labour “project” had given him both influence and authority. Now he began to look much more like a hulk until his affair beached him completely.  

When Tony Blair entered Downing St in 1997 I doubt if he ranked Labour councillors amongst the outriders of New Labour. Labour had been scarred by the conflict years of the 1980s. Fabian Socialists vied with Thatcherite Tories in their predilection for central control and New Labour’s appetite for change, almost instant chance, made it impatient with local government’s traditionally paced approach.  

But the Prescott years saw change. One hall-mark was the erection of the vast gendarmerie of inspection and control that went with Best Value and which has now evolved into the Comprehensive Performance Assessment. The other was the prescription of local government management structures – directly elected mayors, Cabinet-style leadership – in the belief that performance needed to be engineered. The third strand was the appointment of regional quangos in “strategic” areas like planning, transport and housing.  

The government’s recent White Paper acknowledged that this had been overkill on a heroic scale, but it would be wrong to dismiss everything as tough love gone wrong. There is a role for a process like the CPA. The question is whether the outcomes justified the weight of the monitoring apparatus: by the Government’s own admission the verdict is at best uncertain.  

The regional referendum left Prescott deflated and policy directionless. When David Miliband was sent to the department with a Cabinet seat it was as if the lodger had been invited to take over the management of the tenement. As the department seemed to haver between competing agendas Gordon Brown’s spending demands drove Council Tax bills into the political screaming zone. Revaluation was jettisoned. Capping, excoriated by Labour, was back in town.    

Ruth Kelly has brought back some sense of strategic direction with a cautious, incremental approach to localism, and the commitment to agree simplified ways to measure performance. The Lyons report could provide a longer-term direction of travel. The problem is that, however enticing the vision, there are unresolved issues in the here and now – structure and funding. Local Government needs a sustainable funding base and a clear idea of what lies ahead on structures rather than the ad hoc improvisation which seems to rule at present.  

Devolution may be a gentle trickle or it may be a sturdy flow but it must be poured into a vessel with sides. Those sides are still missing.  

And that is why I believe the verdict must be one of frustrated hopes – on the part of local government for “freedoms” and on the part of Government for a new, consumerist culture in councils. Cheeky Ken and the great White Elephant of the North East are not unreasonable symbols of the what-might-have-beens

© Local Government Chronicle

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David Curry MP | House of Commons, London SW1A 0AA | tel: 020 7219 6202